Mussourie highs- July 2010

I had forgotten about Ruskin Bond, that he lived in Mussourie but once there, others in the girl-gang remembered and took me to the shop he still visits every Saturday. We got some books autographed by him. I also ended up buying 'Eat, pray and love' that is now being made into a Hollywood film. It's an amazing book. Glad I bought it.

Btw, Amit Sengupta, my senior at Hardnews, made this trip possible for me. He said, "You have every right to take a break after a hard month's work", his kindness despite being 'boss' taking me by complete surprise. It is because he let me out of office that I could reach this quiet space inside of me, and unwind. But before any of that happened, I remember typing the women's reservation dharna story on my new mobile phone early morning while train travelling to reach Mussourie. This, within two days of having an animated argument in office about worthlessness of mobile technology in context of a magazine story :).

View outside our room in Mussourie















Of course when Amit had said 'after a month's hardwork,' I heard MONTHS in my head, not just 'a month'.

 

Anyway, this hill-station getaway (bless the boss and Indu for organising it) was very meaningful despite the non-exciting visit to heavily commercialised and noisy Kempty Falls, a quick taxi-ride to Dhanaulti in rain and limited sight-seeing along the Mall road.

 

Garden in Dhanaulti

The unexpected fun-part was eating out at different food joints everyday, especially at this Thai place called Kalsung (or something like that). We also went to 'Whispering Windows' restaurant on a request made by Indu's mother. The soup there was delicious.

 

Tasty food, oxygen and lack of honking cars and deadlines were making me high effortlessly. As if that wasn't enough, the million pasty shops at Mall road made us all go nearly berserk over the warm chocolate coating on any piece of cake. Not satiated with having one or two of them, we got some more pastries packed to the hotel room for mindless consumption through mindless, but pleasurable midnight chatter.

  

Protecting the pastry box from rain

 

Yummy!!!

Anyway, the weekend ended soon and we were on our way back to Delhi... :(

They hate love

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/08/3659

Barbarism of the banana republics of khaps has led to a spate of killings of young couples. Will the epidemic stop, or will it spread its vicious wings?

Shaweta Anand Delhi

Jyotsna and Rohini

Dishonour crimes is a phrase made popular by Shakti Vahini, a women and child rights group, to describe the phenomena of 'honour killings' associated with a sense of violation of community honour. The phenomenon acquires a vicious and barbaric form when youngsters breach the traditionally prescribed social norms of marriage and select a partner of their own choice, mostly across castes, within their gotra (sub-caste) or across religions.

Traditional belief in many villages of the rural northern belt, especially in Haryana, UP and Rajasthan, is that youngsters from the same gotra or even different gotras but living within or adjoining villages are considered to be siblings. Marrying each other is therefore considered incestuous by some and unhealthy for the offspring by others, 'bringing dishonour to the family and community', according to the self-appointed guardians of orthodox culture and tradition.

A handful of men among them, who constitute the khap panchayats, have taken it upon themselves to decide upon 'appropriate punishment for offenders', including unconstitutional torture or death sentences to be executed by villagers themselves. This comes as a punishment for exercising the right to choice of a partner (albeit without social approval), which is well within the purview of law under the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955.

It is a misnomer that only young people choose socially unacceptable partners because many parents are doing the same for their children due to lack of options. "Earlier, smaller villages had two-three gotras so you could avoid them, but now, villages have 20-25 gotras that must be avoided, alongside parents' gotras and gotras of neighbouring villages. This, coupled with low sex ratio (as low as 550 women per 1000 men in some districts) and high unemployment, makes it a very challenging situation," says sociologist Dr Prem Chowdhry.

The informal institution of khap goes by the names of a particular gotra (Dahiya khap, Hooda khap, Gathwala khap etc) or of the geographical area they represent (Meham chaubisi representing 24 villages in Rohtak, Bawal chaurasi representing 84 villages in Rewari etc). Such khaps are still functioning in states of northern India and cases of dishonour crimes have also been reported from as far as Tamil Nadu down south.

Members of this unconstitutional, parallel system of 'justice' often convene an all-male gathering that squats on or around a chabutara (a raised platform) in the village, smoking hookah sometimes to denote bhaichara (brotherhood), with an aim of taking quick, unilateral decisions on multiple issues like social transgressions, property rights, inheritance, or regarding situations threatening peace in the village.

Most cases heard at such gatherings concern women but they are never made part of the proceedings. This reveals the patriarchal and authoritative nature of this grouping compared to the constitutional gram panchayats that also have women representatives, especially after the 73rd Amendment, says Chowdhry in her acclaimed book Contentious Marriages, Eloping Couples.

Interestingly, the concept of bhaichara (brotherhood) as elaborated upon by Chowdhry, whether caste or village-based, covers sisters and daughters, not wives. For instance, a married woman running away is not made to be such a big deal by people of the community. But an unmarried woman eloping with her partner is met with an iron hand and it evokes a range of violent reactions, especially from male members of the community for breaching and threatening traditional social norms and culture.

As it happened in the case of Darshana, a married woman of Jhajjar, who was unveiled in front of other village men (symbolising a return to single status as unmarried women do not cover their heads) and was made to tie a rakhi (a thread signifying the bond between brother and sister) on her husband's hand on the diktat of the khap.

Her torture didn't end there. Her father-in-law was given the duty of marrying her the second time to someone who was appropriate as her marriage was 'against the order of nature' by virtue of fraternal ties between their gotras starting many generations back.

In Punjab and Haryana, the brother is considered to be the 'protector' of the izzat (honour) of his sister. Such emotions with regard to sisters and daughters are played upon and exaggerated. They are also used as male control-mechanisms. They usually serve as common factors in male-bonding within khaps when members collect to pass decrees on couples who transgress kinship norms, informs Chowdhry.

Dwelling on this idea of honour, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Radhika Coomaraswamy, says the regulation of women's sexuality and violence against them is closely related. She writes: "In most societies, the ideal of masculinity is underpinned by a notion of 'honour' - of a man, a family or a community - and is fundamentally connected with policing female behaviour and sexuality."

'Honourable' behaviour for women then gets defined by concepts of sharm (modesty) and lihaz (deference), explains Chowdhry. Any breach of 'honour' is met with violence of varying degrees to teach them (and others) a lesson.

Such an oppressive system exists because the functions of production (control over land) and reproduction (control over women through the institution of marriage) need to be closely guarded at all costs by men since that gives their lineage or caste strength, recognition and leverage in society and the polity. That explains why men get so threatened and offended by women who choose their partners not only breaking out of social norms, but also taking away their legal share in their father's property under the Hindu Succession Act, 1956, to another group with a different lineage.

In retaliation to the idea of health risks posed by same gotra marriages, Dr RS Dahiya, associated with Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti, offers an interesting argument in his paper titled 'Khaps: Misusing the science of genetics' in the context of Haryana. He says that marriage within the first generation of Jats and within a gotra makes two people first cousins. But beyond the third and fourth generation, blood gets mixed hundreds of times over. So it's a myth that same-gotra marriages cause genetic diseases in the offspring. Women in abusive relationships or teenagers who are forced to give birth to children pose a greater threat to the children's health than the danger posed by same-gotra marriages, he argues.

"That marriage within the same gotra poses health risks is a bogus argument made for the heck of it. This is because the genetic pool of both the families is very different due to different family histories," says research scholar Rani Rohini Raman at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Delhi.

The social ostracism meted out to 'erring' couples and families by villagers can be excruciating, feels Ranjana Kumari of Women Power Connect, a women's rights group. She was referring to exclusion faced by Manoj's family members in the famous 'Manoj-Babli case' in which Additional District and Sessions Judge Vani Gopal Sharma of Karnal High Court found seven people guilty in a landmark verdict of April 2010. Justice Sharma pronounced death for Babli's family members, life imprisonment for the khap leader of Kaithal district who ordered their killings, and a seven-year prison term to the driver who abducted the couple.

The couple-in-love was hunted down after they eloped and got married in 2007, despite having approached the Chandigarh High Court for protection in advance. Their crime was that they belonged to the same gotra because of which their marriage had been declared incestuous, thus null and void. The policeman who had been directed to provide protection to the couple is under suspicion for having revealed their whereabouts to Babli's blood-thirsty family in 2007. He is currently facing departmental action.

Justice Sharma is facing threats from the khap, and has been given police protection. Manoj's mother, Chanderpati, who approached the court in her relentless fight for justice, continues to live a lonely and dejected life. No one talks to her in the village or sells her grocery as a punishment for raising her voice against the khap's diktats. Indeed, the village kumhar (potter) even refused to give Manoj's family clay pots for the dead couple's ashes and their last rights. "The village dhobi (washerman) refused to wash their clothes, such is the extent of ostracisation," says Kumari. It's vicious, entrenched, relentless, this social boycott and vengeance.

The National Commission for Women (NCW) was approached by Shakti Vahini in 2009 and subsequently, a study on similar crimes (unpublished) was carried out in which 326 such cases were examined. It was found that a maximum number of oppressive diktats were made by panchayats in cases of inter-caste marriages (72 per cent), marriage within same caste without family consent (15 per cent), contentious relationships (7 per cent), same-gotra marriages (3 per cent), and inter-religious marriages (1 per cent).

"The issue of dishonour crimes is therefore not about same-gotra marriages as it is made out to be. It is about the larger issues of curbing women's rights to make their own decisions. Most such crimes (90 per cent) are executed by the girl's family," says Supreme Court advocate Ravi Kant, president of Shakti Vahini. "Today, more girls are getting education. Their role models have changed to NASA astronaut Kalpana Chawla, World Number 2 badminton player Saina Nehwal and Mamta Sodha who climbed the Mount Everest, all from Haryana," says Kant.

Zohra Chatterji, Member Secretary, NCW, agrees that parents are supporting education for girls even in Haryana - but to get them better grooms in the marriage market. They are least interested in their professional careers. "There is a widening gap between parents and children, the latter having the exposure and education to rationalise things for themselves, even if there is no social sanction. Such decisions lead to friction, feeding into instances of anger-driven dishonour crimes," she adds.

Prof Surinder S Jodhka at JNU feels that such crimes show serious inability of parents to communicate with their children because the gap between them is generational. Youngsters belong to a mobile generation, are educated and far more independent in thinking compared to parents, which leads to disagreements between them. "Inter-caste marriages are not unheard of if you think about the tales of Heer-Ranjha, Sassi-Punnu or Sohni-Mahiwal. What has happened today is that due to changes in a liberalising world, rural agrarian relations of dependency of lower castes on upper castes are disintegrating. With falling authority outside family and even within it, a large number of people feel socially pressurised, hence the pent-up frustration," asserts Jodhka.

Many villages in Haryana have about 150-200 boys who are unable to get married; the sex ratio is low, unemployment is high. "Altogether there is too much energy and no other work. This makes it easier for khaps to get their violent diktats executed through these people by playing on their emotions," says Kant. "Additionally, in Haryana's case, Jats also want to find a political identity, especially after the landmark Manoj-Babli verdict that convicted seven people for their murder. Just like the BJP used the temple issue, Jats are using the issue of same-gotra marriages for mobilising themselves through khaps," he says.

A spate of community-pride related crimes have been recently reported, but they are not even 10 per cent of what is actually happening. "Sums of up to Rs 20 lakh have been collected by khaps in a small place called Shyamali (Haryana) alone to fight legal battles in courts with regard to same-gotra marriages. This shows the level of mobilisation and bhaichara on this issue and it shouldn't be taken lightly by the government," Kant cautions.

While the Supreme Court has issued notices to nine states and the Centre with regard to 'honour'-related crimes, a certain diabolical politics of conspiracy and silence is being enacted on the ground. How long will the UPA regime, headed by a woman, and the states, refuse to recognise and punish this organised barbarism and blood-letting, which is fast turning into a social epidemic?

From the print issue of Hardnews : AUGUST 2010

Age of Mobiles

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/08/3655
Mobile phones are having a transformative impact on developing societies like ours. The phenomenal spread of mobile technology holds out great promise to deliver some of the key government programmes. Mobile banking is one of the services that many public sector banks are using to reach out to the unbanked. Hardnews explores mobile phones and m-banking in this special supplement.

Shaweta Anand Delhi

It is not quite uncommon to see upmarket convenience-product stores thriving in centrally air-conditioned malls on one side of the road, while on the other side there are rickshaw pullers and street vendors, braving the sweltering heat or the biting cold, desperately trying to sell their products and services. However, there is one thing that buyers and sellers on both sides of the street have in common - a mobile phone.

Pradeep is a migrant from Bihar who sells vegetables in the Tagore Garden market. He gets about 50 phone calls from local residents every day demanding delivery of select vegetables to their doorstep. "When I get orders on phone, I end up selling more vegetables compared to others who cannot be contacted directly. Some people don't mind paying me a little extra since I give them the convenience of ordering from home," he told Hardnews.

For someone who has migrated to an unknown city, a mobile phone helps that person to stay in touch with family members with greater ease. "Where is the time to write letters and wait for weeks till the communication reaches home? Obviously, a much easier way today is to dial a number and talk to one's family," said Hariram, a rickshaw puller, who migrated from UP a few years ago.

He transports people and even household items like coolers, tables etc whenever he receives such a call on his phone. "This has increased the money I earn every day but it is nothing compared to the kind of money people like you make and spend in malls in a jiffy," he said.

"Increasing use of mobile phones among the 'small and medium enterprises' - cab drivers, henna artists, ice-cream or vegetable vendors, cobblers, plumbers etc - not only spurs overall economic growth but also helps these people make a transition from street corners to the formal economy," said Prof Rajat Kathuria. He teaches at the Delhi-based Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER).

Stressing the emotional purpose the phone fulfils for her, Rani, a housemaid, said, "My family stays in Tamil Nadu whereas I work in Delhi. I cannot afford to travel, so the only way I can be in regular touch with them is through my phone, though it doesn't really add to my income at this stage."

"Didiji (my employer) maintains contact with me through this phone, so we both are able to handle the household more efficiently, thanks to this gadget," said the 34-year-old who works in a house in Trilokpuri. Azad, a security guard in Kalyanvas, also feels that mobile phones help in making work-life more efficient as well as keeping in constant touch with the family.

If we look around, we can see hundreds of Harirams, Ranis and Azads assisting us - the middle class - in leading more convenient lives by becoming available at our beck and call, 24x7. From the dhobi (washerman), watchman and kudawala (ragpicker) to those who relish football matches on wide-screen mobile sets while commuting for work, dependence on mobile technology has deeply impacted lifestyles, almost for everyone who owns a set.

It is no wonder that mobile density (subscription per hundred people) in India has shot up from less than 1 per cent in 1998 to 55.38 per cent in May 2010 as per figures put out by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India, even though the numbers are skewed in favour of urban areas compared to the rural. Our telecom industry is the fastest growing in the world and, globally, we house the second largest wireless network, deemed to surpass world-leader China in near future.

"From our experience of interviewing 1,774 poor urban people living in 84 authorised areas of Delhi, Ahmedabad and Kolkata, we too have figured that few innovations have been as pervasive as the mobile phone," said Prof Ankur Sarin from Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad. He jointly conducted a study for ICRIER on socio-economic impact of mobile phones on the lives of the urban poor.

"The persons we interviewed showed increase in income due to the use of mobile phones for work-related purposes. There has been a positive impact on social ties and relationships too but, simultaneously, there is also a tendency not to meet friends and relatives face-to-face as it is much easier to talk on the phone instead," he said.

His observation is seconded by Delhi-based psychologist Dr Niru Kumar who believes that relying too much on anything is bad. "People who talk for long hours on mobile phones tend to get addicted to them. As with any addiction, the core issue here too is one of low self-esteem, aloofness and depression. With mobile phones increasingly substituting real friends, the basic issues remain unaddressed despite rapid advancements in communication technology," she elaborated.

Other than the psychological aspect, Sarin's study also revealed that although more than 90 per cent of the men among the urban poor use mobiles while women hardly use them. "So the phone hasn't quite overcome the gendered power hierarchies in our social structure though they may be on the way to covering the rural-urban digital divide," he said.

It is common knowledge that India suffers from high levels of gender discrimination. In the context of mobile phones, an interesting study by California-based researcher Dayoung Lee from the University of Stanford concludes that mobile usage by women has had a 'liberating' effect on them. "They are not only able to connect more to the outside world, they are also able to deal better with domestic abuse by voicing it to others through the phone."

The study was completed in 2009 and correlated the impact of mobile phones on the status of women in India. "Maybe there should be subsidised mobile phone services for women here to encourage its usage and their subsequent empowerment," Lee suggested.

The reason why people are increasingly using mobile phones is because of their user-friendliness and the relatively low prices, often less than Rs 1,000 for a set," said Kathuria. There is also scope for benefiting from all kinds of low-priced, innovative Value-Added Services (VAS) that cater to the changing needs of urban or rural markets.

Moreover, the option of getting top-ups for small denominations in prepaid services makes it possible for the poor to afford mobile phones. For operators too, recharging electronically is a more profitable choice as it saves them the cost of printing vouchers, transporting and storing them etc.

Commenting on the popularity of some VAS over others, Kathuria said that text messaging is one of the lesser used services in our country because of widespread illiteracy. However, interactive voice response technology (for accessing database by pressing keys on the phone), voice SMSing and services like ringtone downloads are gaining popularity in rural areas. "The attempt is to contextualise the information and impart it in the local languages," said Kathuria.

In the field of agri-value-added services, organisations like Reuters Market Light (RML) and IFFCO Kisan Sanchar Limited (IKSL)-Bharti Airtel are predominant in India. They provide information about crop care, market prices and even weather forecasts in local languages through mobile phones. IKSL's network has already spread to as many as 18 states of India reaching out to millions of farmers already.

RML is a subscription-based service that gives farmers information over text SMSes. To access services by IKSL, the farmer is required to purchase a special 'green SIM card' for receiving five free voice SMSes daily.

ICRIER's first-of-its-kind study on the impact of mobile phones on agricultural productivity in five states shows that many small farmers preferred RML to IKSL as the former provided customised information along with weather information and delivered SMSes at a preset time suitable to each subscriber. IKSL, on the other hand, gave the same information to people spread all over the state at unpredictable times during the day.

However, many farmers have benefited from mobile telephony, which is why the subscription base in rural areas is on the rise. From a mere 33,404 subscriptions in March 2008 to 5,508,532 subscriptions in March 2010, rural mobile penetration is increasing rapidly.

Farmers are indeed benefiting from the information they get directly on their phones, unlike through TV or radio. "I get to know about which pesticide to apply, at what time, and how to keep my cattle healthy," said Raghunath, a farmer from Lucknow. Ghasiram, a farmer from Jaipur, expressed contentment about the information regarding crop price that gets him a relatively better deal when he sells his produce in the market.

However, the study also concluded that for farmers to realise the full potential of access to new information, other infrastructure also needs to be well-developed. For instance, a farmer might get information about where to get the best market rate for selling his produce but lack of storage space and physical infrastructure (roads, inexpensive transportation etc) make it difficult for him to take advantage of the information he now has access to.

"The impact of mobile telephony by itself is therefore limited. It can only complement existing agricultural infrastructure," said Dr Surabhi Mittal, one of the researchers who conducted the study. Kathuria, however, feels that the situation today is not one of choosing this or that. "We need to develop mobile-based solutions along with developing other infrastructure simultaneously to address issues of development," he said.

From the print issue of Hardnews : AUGUST 2010

Way to go women!

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/07/3636

In a show of strength and solidarity, 5,000 people marched from Jantar Mantar to Parliament Street on July 29 to demand 33 per cent reservation for women in Parliament

Shaweta Anand Delhi

Hundreds of colourful banners with lakhs of pro-reservation signatures from all over India marked the street as people rallied along, shouting slogans and singing folk songs, demanding reservation for women in Delhi's Jantar Mantar on Thursday.

A delegation of 10 representatives met President Pratibha Patel who expressed 'unequivocal support' to the demand calling reservation for women 'good for the country' in this 'now-or-never situation'. Meanwhile, the fever pitch at Parliament Street got raised further when  Sharmila Tagore, Shabana Azmi and Javed Akhtar took stage, raising their voice in solidarity. "Women of India are still fighting a war of independence, even after 60 years of freedom from the British. Women have been systematically kept away from education, employment and active politics. That should change now because they deserve equal rights," said Tagore.

"It's a matter of shame that something like equality between women and men, is not an obviously understood concept. Women, when they are being tortured, which has been true through generations, are never asked their caste or creed then, but when it comes to giving them their due rights, all these 'concerns' about reservation within reservation spring up," said Akhtar to a thunderous applause.

"It's a thought-out strategy to prevent women from coming up as 'allowing' that would threaten some people's sense of family and social order, while others openly, and  foolishly, think that women are weak and stupid so cannot lead anyway," he added. "One should be careful of such so-called supporters of the bill, who'll not genuinely support it at the time of decision-making," Akhtar cautioned.

"We're a civil society only when everyone gets equal rights. Why do we settle with just 8 per cent political representation from women of India? It's not that they don't deserve it but they're being left out on purpose. They neither have access to money or muscle power that wins elections in this country!"  asserted Shabana Azmi.

Parliamentarians like Jayanti Natarajan from Congress, Brinda Karat from CPM, D Raja from CPI and MLA Christine Lazarus also spoke in favour of the Bill and assured that it would be taken up in the ongoing monsoon session.

"By passage of the bill in the Rajya Sabha, only half the battle has been won. We'll see to it that it gets passed in Lok Sabha now," said Natarajan. "What is 33 per cent, women should get 50 per cent reservation, " commented Raja.

Karat also said that even though the Lok Sabha is just ten steps from the Rajya Sabha still the distance is something that needs to be covered this time.

Lazarus opined that the challenge is not just getting reservation in the Parliament but also training in how to do politics as well.

The rally was addressed by Annie Raja of NFIW, Sudha Sundararaman of AIDWA, Shabnam Hashmi of Anhad, Ranjana Kumari of Women Power Connect, Madhu from Jagori and Dr Vimal Thorat.

It was organised by a collective 'Alliance for 33%' comprising over 350 organisations.

(For photos, click album 1, 2 or 3.)

JULY 29-PUBLIC RALLY AND MEETING IN SUPPORT OF WOMEN RESERVATION BILL

Dear All,

More than 30 organisations met in Delhi on July1, 6, 14 & 21 to discuss the strategy to pressurize the UPA to place and pass the Women Reservation Bill in the Parliament. It is becoming clear with everyday that the UPA is dragging its feet on the WRB. Unless we are able to exert a lot of pressure it will again go in cold storage. It was due to the 14 years of struggle by various women’s movements from across India that the Bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha on March 9th. We must not allow it to lapse.

The meeting held on July 14 decided that a demonstration will be organised at the Parliament Street on July 29, 2010 from 11am to 2pm. People will gather at 10.30am at Jantar Mantar, march to Parliament Street where from 12 noon to 2pm a public meeting will be organised.

There would a three hour long program comprising of speeches and cultural programme in support of the Women Reservation Bill. A memorandum will be submitted to the President, PM and UPA chairperson.

Confirmed speakers include: Annie Raja, Javed Akhtar, Sharmila Tagore, Aruna Roy, D Raja and many women social activists.

I am writing to you with the request to:

1. Endorse the campaign by sending the name of your organisation/ or individually if you do not belong to any civil society organisation.

2. Participate in the programme and mobilise others from Delhi.

3. If you are from outside Delhi sponsor at least two people from your organisation to participate in the rally. For adjoining states please come in large numbers and not only two each.

4. Delhi arrangements for the programme are being made by the local core group. Expenditure incurred on travel and stay by outstation participants has to be borne by their respective organisations.

5. We are designing umbrellas which will have names of endorsees from different cities. These will be carried at the demonstration by participants. So please send us names of participant from your organization/ college/ university/ department and also send us names to be printed on the umbrella from your city who have endorsed the Bill . We will reserve the umbrellas for participants whose names are confirmed by July 27th.

The programme is being organised under the banner of Alliance for 33%. The following organizations have already endorsed the programme:

ADIVASI MAHILA JAGRUTI SANGATHAN, ADIVASI VIKAS MANCH, AIDMAM, AIDWA, AIPWA, AJMER ADULT EDUCATION ASSOCIATION, AKSHARA, ALWAR MEWAT SHIKSHA VIKAS SANSTHAN, ANANDI, ANHAD, ANHAD MEDIA, ASTHA, BAL VA MAHILA CHETNA SAMITI, BHARTIYA VIDYA PEETH INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT AND RESEARCH, BGVS,BURMESE WOMEN DELHI, CENTRE FOR ADVOCACY & RESEARCH, CENTRE FOR SOCIAL REASEARCH, CFAR, DARSHAN SAMITI, DELHI FORUM, DEVGADH MAHILA SANGATHAN, DISHARI MAHILA SAMITI, EKAL NAARI SHAKTI SANGATHAN, HRLN, ICW, GANA UNNAYAN PARISHAD, GANDHI SMRITI, GRAMYA RESOURCE CENTRE FOR WOMEN, IGSSS, JAGORI, JANVIKAS, JOINT WOMEN'S PROGRAMME, LAMP, MAHILA JAN ADHIKAR SAMITI, MAHILA PANCH SARPANCH SANGATHAN(RAJASTHAN), MAHILA SWARAJ MANCH, MALIYA MAHILA SHAKTI SANGTHAN, NATIONAL FORUM FOR SINGLE WOMEN’S RIGHTS, NAYEE PAHAL, NFIW, NISHTHA, OXFAM INDIA, PANAM MAHILA SANGATHAN, PRAYAS, PUCL, PWESCR, RAJSAMAND MAHILA MANCH, RIGHT TO FOOD, SADED, SAHRWARU,SANGAT, SANDARBH, SANLAAP, STREE ADHIKAR SANGATHAN, THE HUNGER PROJECT, URJAGHAR, WAR WIDOWS ASSOCIATION, WOMEN FEATURE SERVICES,WOMEN POWER CONNECT,YWCA

Please urgently send your endorsement. If you have already done so and your name is missing let us know too.

Shabnam Hashmi                                                                                   

ANHAD,                                                       

3, Canning Lane                                                                                         
New Delhi-110001
Tel- 23070740/ 22

Alliance for 33% Secretariat

ANHAD YWCA, 10 Sansad Marg, New Delhi-110001
3, Canning Lane Tel: 23361561 / 23361662

                                          

Death of a journalist

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/07/3627 

The death of freelance journalist Hemchandra Pandey in an alleged fake encounter has triggered outrage among many journalists and human rights activists all over the country, even at the level of UNESCO and International Federation of Journalists. Shamefully, the national dailies he used to write for continue to disown him.

The memory of freelance journalist Hemchandra Pandey, widely perceived to have been killed in a fake encounter by the police in Andhra Pradesh on July 2, is still raw. In that backdrop, Journalists for People organised an open discussion on the 'Role of Journalists in Undeclared Emergency' at Gandhi Peace Foundation in Delhi on July 20, 2010. Several senior writers and young female and male journalists participated in the 'conversation'.

Consulting Editor of Economic and Political Weekly, Gautam Navalakha, said that the death of Pandey was not an isolated incident. Several youngsters have been killed in Kashmir in just the last two months. "Reporters face lot of pressure since the ruling class tries to suppress or buy off media houses. The editors also tend to kill genuine stories out of fear," he said.  "Reporters must learn to deal with this by not letting their pen become a pawn at the hands of others," he added. "We must take a stand now and speak up because those killed were in favour of peace."

He was also referring to the death of Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad, top leader of the banned CPI (Maoist), who was part of the peace process between the state and Maoists initiated by Swami Agnivesh, and was killed alongside Pandey, when the latter had reportedly gone to interview him. There is widespread opinion that he let his guard down due to the invitation for peace talks and hence was caught and killed - that it was a fake encounter.

"This is indeed a state of undeclared emergency, where levels of democracy has stooped so low that anyone can get arrested for raising their voice," said Suresh Nautiyal of the Uttarakhand Journalists Forum. "Why Hemchandra, anyone of us can be shot dead. It is conformism which is ruling the roost. In this generation, most journalists try to avoid leg-work themselves and willingly settle for low-standard, convenient reporting while views expressed by correspondents from small-scale publications have lesser reach and are taken lightly. However, they are often the only truth being told."

"In such a scenario, communicating the right information to the larger public is even more important so that correct opinion can be mobilised. Pandey's killing symbolises a much larger struggle," he stressed.

Poet Neelabh agreed that the rich and the powerful do not care about public welfare as they are the ones who also loot the country, snatching natural resources from adivasis and tribals. Yeh goliyan baantne vaali sarkar hai, kheer baantne vaali nahin (This government distributes bullets, not sweet dishes). "Therefore alternative media, as opposed to corporate-driven media, is most crucial at this juncture as one can hope to get the right information only through them," he said.

He said there should no illusion that they are powerful, and most writers chose to keep silent when the idea of dissent was clubbed as a crime in alignment with Maoists. All dissent is being dubbed as Maoist, so why are writers silent on this. "This is like the witch-hunt in the US during the Cold War," he said.

Poonam Pandey from Navbharat Times said that journalists should deal with the duality within themselves first and become true journalists rather than employees, who mechanically follow orders from bosses. She said there is an "undeclared emergency" inside the heart and minds of journalists, and they seem to be unable to break this ossified realm of internal and external censorship in reporting and writing.

Swami Agnivesh, also an advocate of the peace process between the Maoists and the State, said that if one has to speak the truth then one should be ready to pay the price for it. "In a state of undeclared emergency in the country, we cannot afford to be fearful or discouraged. If reporters really want to speak the truth, there are so many new ways in which they can reach out to people, for instance, using modern technology, through websites, use of mobile phones, SMSes etc. Besides, they should be prepared to pay the price for telling the truth and not compromising."

It has been more than two weeks since Pandey was killed, why haven't reporters written about it? Where is investigative journalism? Why didn't journalists go to the spot at Adilabad and investigate about the killing?" he questioned.

He said that there are too many zigzags, so there is no straight line, and there are too many contradictions within the ruling structure, more than we can imagine. Hence a new strategy should be defined.

 "A story should be objectively reported and should be pluralistic in coverage so that all aspects of truth get fairly represented. But today, reporting is driven by corporate clubs, one-dimensional police versions and jingoistic patriotism that have no notion of ethics, restrain, fairness or sensitivity," said Amit Sengupta, Executive Editor, Hardnews magazine. "Being stupid, inefficient, lazy and mediocre does not make a journalist more patriotic or successful," he said.

"There are so many peaceful, indigenous non-Maoist struggles in our country (Kalinganagar, Niyamgiri etc), there is intense repression out there, so why are we not reporting about these conflict zones," he said. "The Batla House encounter is widely perceived to be a fake encounter, so why did everyone buy the police version only with no other angles explored? Why did we blindly blame the Muslims when the Mecca Masjid, Hyderabad, Ajmer Sharif, Samjhauta Express and Malegaon blasts happened - whereby Hemant Karkare's leads are all now taking the investigations towards Hindutva terror groups with RSS links?"

"Being corrupt as reporters and lobbying for corporates is not my idea of patriotism and nationalism, while posing the right question at the right time probably is," he added.

Senior journalist Anand Swaroop Verma made a plea to join forces and not to succumb to any form of repression or censorship. Academic and journalist Bhupen cajoled everyone to rethink their priorities and push for an alternative mainstream which stands for truth and public interest journalism.

UNESCO and International Federation of Journalists, among several civil society groups have criticized the killing of Pandey and asked for an enquiry. The meeting resolved to hold a commemorative memorial lecture in memory of Pandey every year, and not to let his memory die. His murder is not acceptable and journalists will not be cowed down by the State, it was resolved. Truth must be reported, and not through the prism of fear or compromise. Writers and journalists should have the freedom to think different, to experiment with ideologies, and the right to resist and creative dissent.

It was also decided to pass a resolution strongly criticizing three Hindi dailies which brazenly lied to the media and public that Pandey never wrote for them - though his clippings stand as evidence. Indeed, there was much angst and anger at the Hindi dailies, especially against one particular editor, who promptly held a press conference to disown Pandey. "Shameful," said most speakers at the meet.

Pass 33% Women Reservation Bill NOW!- please sign the online petition, and circulate it

The Petition

WE – the women and men of India from various organizations, working for the rights of women irrespective of caste, class and religion – demand that the Women’s Reservation Bill, mandating 33 per cent reservations for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, be passed in the Lok Sabha without delay. The passage of the Bill in the Rajya Sabha has been a significant step. However the Bill cannot become the law of the land unless it is passed in the Lok Sabha and endorsed by at least 15 state assemblies.

Ensuring reservations for women in the panchayats and urban local bodies has facilitated the entry of millions of women across the spectrum into the public arena. Today, women from all castes, classes, religions and regions are actively discharging their responsibilities as sarpanchs, panchayat members, zilla parishad chairpersons, block development officers, mayors and in innumerable other capacities in different states of India. These women have faced tremendous hurdles in their bid to participate in elections and assume leadership positions. Today they have emerged triumphant and are role models for their community and country. While their presence has great symbolic value, these women have also been able to bring to the fore many important social and gender concerns and agendas. This positive example needs to be strengthened and replicated at all levels.

Women’s representation in Parliament is vital on grounds of social justice and for the legitimacy of the political system. Like class and caste, gender is a social-political-economic category, with the three aspects intersecting seamlessly. Empirical evidence demonstrates that ‘women’ as a category have been subjugated over the years, accorded a lower status and deprived by society in every manner possible.

We believe the argument that the Bill discriminates against Dalits and OBCs is misleading. As far as the representation of Dalit women is concerned, the Bill provides for 33 per cent seats for women in the existing 22.5 per cent SC/ST quota.

With regard to the representation of OBC women, it needs to be understood that even without the aid of reservations, OBC representation in the state assemblies and Parliament has increased significantly, especially after the Mandal Commission’s recommendation came into force. In the present Lok Sabha, 30 per cent of the 50 women MPs - 15 in all - belong to the OBC category. It needs to be reiterated here that in constituencies where a male OBC candidate can win, so too can a female OBC candidate. Therefore, the Women’s Reservation Bill will not see a decline in OBC representation with Parliament or the state assemblies, it will merely ensure a larger number of women among the OBC members.

While the gross under-representation of Muslims in Parliament and state assemblies – both men and women -- needs redressal , this can hardly be resolved within the ambit of the Women’s Reservation Bill. The Ranganath Mishra Commission recommendations have emphasized the need for minority reservation in education and employment, and we would strongly recommend the immediate provision of 10 per cent reservation in educational institutions and in jobs for Muslims belonging to the backward classes.

As women we stand in solidarity with Dalits, OBC communities, Tribals, Muslims and with all secular forces in the fight for the advancement of all communities. We also stand shoulder-to-shoulder with all the women in the country for the advancement of their rights.

We call upon all political parties in Parliament to come together and ensure the smooth passage of the 33% Women’s Reservation Bill in the Lok Sabha without delay. We appeal to all progressive forces to strongly and vocally support the cause of women’s rights and equality in India. Please sign this petition and circulate it widely.

More than 30 organisations met in Delhi on July 14 2010 to discuss the future course of action regarding the passage of the Women's Reservation Bill. It was decided that a demonstration will be organised at the Parliament Street on July 29, 2010 from 11am to 2pm. People will gather at 10.30am at Jantar Mantar and then march to Parliament Street. From 12 noon onwards, there would be a two-hour programme comprising speeches, performances by cultural groups etc in support of the Bill.

ATTEND IN LARGE NUMBERS!

JOIN 'ALLIANCE FOR 33%' TO GET WRB PASSED NOW!

Start another Caravan

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/07/3619

Fifty-five women from 12 states left home for 20 days to hit the streets through 20,000km in this scorching heat, across 60 towns, to push the Women's Reservation Bill

Shaweta Anand Aligarh

Twelve Innovas were transformed into railway coaches of 'Reservation Express' that whistled through three routes by road, covering a gigantic distance of over 20,000km through the north-west, north-east and southern parts of India. The campaign was flagged off by, among others, 84-year-old Qamar Azad Hashmi, one of the oldest activists supporting the cause, on May 20 from Jhansi - land of the legendary queen of Jhansi, Jhansi ki rani.

The campaign culminated on June 6 at Delhi's Constitution Club where the karwans (caravans) converged with women activists from across the country celebrating a massive spectacle of dance, music and spirited slogans. They communicated their experiences to a happy Congress president Sonia Gandhi the next day, who backed this protracted struggle. Activists handed over 10,000 signed postcards to her backing the Women's Reservation Bill.

"Each karwan had several Muslim and Dalit women who campaigned tirelessly for promoting 33 per cent reservation for all women, irrespective of their caste, class, religion and ethnicity," Shabnam Hashmi of Anhad told Hardnews. Hashmi is the brain behind this national-level campaign. The campaign generated support from 200 rights-based organisations, feminists, intellectuals, activists and students across the Indian landscape.

Said Sultana Sheikh, stoic survivor of the Gujarat carnage of 2002, "Drunk Hindu fanatics put a sword through my raped body to see if I was dead or alive before leaving me at the river bank. My infant child kept howling while I was tortured. What could he do? What could I do? There was no one to stop them. This happened when we were trying to escape after hundreds of armed men smashed, maimed and burnt members of our families in front of our eyes."

"That is why I am a part of this campaign so that I can talk to women about their rights, especially their political rights. By getting the Women's Reservation Bill passed, we will be able to activate women power in this country and protect our rights in a violent, male-dominated world," she said.

Sheikh was part of the karwan that covered 'route number two'. They traveled to Jabalpur, Raipur, Balangir, Bhubaneshwar, Vishakhapatnam, Vijaywada, Chennai, Kanchipuram, Madurai, Cochin, Calicut, Bangalore, Anantapur and Hyderabad before converging with other karwan members in Delhi two weeks later. It was led by Sania Hashmi, a documentary filmmaker, and activist Manisha Trivedi.

Also on the same route was Mohini Jatav, a Dalit activist from Jaipur, Rajasthan. Her husband's legs were mutilated by Gujjar panchayat members as punishment because he refused to work for them. His legs had to be amputated to save his life. "I am here so that I can travel far and wide while connecting with more women like me; so that we can heal our wounds together and fight for our right for representation in politics," said Jatav.

"I appeal to every women of every village to join us in demanding passage of this law. Why is it that I still haven't got justice even though I have been running around in courts for 15 years? If more women were in power, they would have ensured women like me got timely justice," roared Bhanwari Devi.

Bhanwari was a sathin (companion) working for the Women's Development Programme of the government of Rajasthan in Bhateri in 1992 when she was gang-raped. She was punished for trying to stop the marriage of a nine-month-old girl who belonged to an influential upper-caste family. Shockingly, the court ruled in 1995 that upper-caste men can't rape a dalit woman. The rapists were publicly felicitated in this feudal, male-dominated state.

A Jaipur-based NGO called Vishakha took up her case that led to the historic Vishakha judgement by the Supreme Court. The court, for the first time, set guidelines of behaviour with women in public spaces, acknowledging that women can be sexually harassed in workplaces and outside.

Haseena Bano, Rubina Bano and Jawahira Rashid, all of 15 years, were the youngest campaigners. They traveled from a remote place called Tangdar in Kashmir to north-east India on 'route three'. "It has given us so much confidence," they echoed in chorus. "Every karwan had women from Kashmir. This was a chance of a lifetime for them as they mingled with people they can relate with all over India. It worked wonders for their self-esteem and it shows - some girls went without the traditional veil," said Seema Duhan, leader of this karwan.

At Aligarh, eminent historians Irfan Habib, Shireen Moosvi and Dr Namita Singh from Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (BGVS), endorsed the demand. "Although we got good response from most people, but a Muslim man mocked me in Aligarh. He said I can't be a genuine Muslim woman since I had stepped out of the four walls of home and was talking to ordinary women about their political rights," said Rashida Ansari, a survivor of the Gujarat carnage, 2002. "I asked him, which aayat (verse) of Quran says that women can't get out of home, do politics and run the country? He stared back, speechless," she told Hardnews.

"I want to see the killers of my sister punished," said Musarrat Jahan, sister of Ishrat Jahan, killed by Narendra Modi's top cops in Gujarat. "I am traveling with this karwan to tell more and more women about how they can change the face of this country. Had there been more women in power today, my sister's death would have been avenged and many more such deaths - prevented."

Ishrat Jahan was kidnapped from Mumbai in 2004 and reportedly killed in a fake encounter, charged with plotting to kill Modi. "When we got the news of Ishrat's death, we didn't even understand what an encounter meant or who Modi was," said Shamima Kauser, Musarrat's mother. "If there were more women in positions of power, there would be less assaults on women in society," she said.

Activists on 'route number three' travelled to Rewa, Daltonganj, Ranchi, Kolkata, Behrampur, Balurghat, Shillong, Guwahati, Siliguri, Katikar, Patna, Varanasi, Allahabad, Lucknow, Aligarh and back to Delhi.

Social workers Anandi and Eashwari from Tamil Nadu traveled on 'route number one' that covered north-west India. "As for Dalit women, they will get 33 per cent reservation out of the existing 22.5 per cent SC/ST quota. For Muslims, men and women need the quota since both are grossly under-represented in legislatures; but that is a separate fight which cannot be fought within the ambit of the bill," explained Anandi.

'Route number one' destinations included Bhopal, Indore, Aurangabad, Mumbai, Vadodara, Ahmedabad, Udaipur, Chittorgarh, Bhilwara, Ajmer, Jaipur, Hissar, Jalandhar, Chandigarh, Dharamshala, Mandi, Bilaspur, Shimla, Solan, Dehradun, Meerut and, finally, Delhi. It was led by dogged activist Mansi Sharma of Anhad. "Out of the 543 seats in Parliament, why do we still have only 59 women representatives?" asked Philomena John of the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW).

At Lucknow, the old, patriarchal city of nawabs, a huge solidarity gathering of social activists, writers, educationists and journalists welcomed the 'Reservation Express' on June 4. Shabnam Hashmi said she was provoked to start the campaign by the acidic comments of Shia cleric Kalbe Jawad of Lucknow that Muslim women should 'produce' good leaders instead of becoming leaders themselves. She said Muslim women don't want a broker like Kalbe Jawad between them and God.

Roop Rekha Verma, former vice-chancellor of Lucknow University, was sure that hurdles created by religious lobbies will only strengthen the movement. She was sharply critical of Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav who said modern women MPs will face the whistles of young politicians. "Such leaders happily admit the corrupt and criminals in their party, but would still oppose women's rights," she said, in a voice loaded with sarcasm. Progressive writer Shakil Siddiqui said reservation was not a solution, and yet, this campaign would raise awareness about women's rights. So why are they creating obstacles, asked Urdu writer Sabiha Anwar and theatre personality Mridula Bharadwaj.

For many women in the yatra, India came as revelation. Most tribal women had no information about the bill, or their fundamental rights, pointed out Kummo Devi from Himachal Pradesh. Sukhbir Kaur from Punjab discovered that most women had no job cards. "I was shocked to see so much poverty in our villages," she said.

It was a synthesis of human solidarity, aesthetics and politics. Poems of great progressive legends like Jan Nisar Akhtar and Kaifi Azmi were recited, songs were sung, songs and slogans of beauty, humanity, change and revolution; women and girls hugged and laughed, all prepared to reaffirm life, and fight till the last. This body language spoke of emancipation.

After a strong public response at Guwahati, the 20-member 'Reservation Express' made a brief sojourn at Shillong, capital of 'matrilineal" Meghalaya, to garner support. The programme held at Asom Kristi Kendra in early June was organised by the North East Network (NEN) along with Lympung Ki Seng Kynthei and YWCA. Said Meghalaya's education minister and lone woman legislator Ampareen Lyngdoh, "Women must be empowered, educated and enlightened on the nuances of parliamentary democracy and electoral politics."

"There is tremendous response. It is a misnomer that people are opposing the bill," said Seema Duhan. So will they meet politicians who are opposing the bill? "There is no point in reacting to chauvinistic statements which do not have content," she shot back.

A panel discussion on 'Women's Reservation: Are we ready for it?' was held at Shillong College. Activist Angela Rangad asked if there would be "real emancipation" of women if the bill is passed. There is no guarantee that if a woman is elected she won't be as corrupt as her male counterparts. "This is the narrative of repression, from Catherine the Great to Margaret Thatcher who dismantled the 'welfare state'. Indira Gandhi was responsible for the infamous Emergency," she said. "Women should be more concerned with what programmes the elected women would take up for their benefit. Besides, what are the 53 women MPs doing to push women's issues?"

Dr Pascal Malngiang of the department of political science, North Eastern Hill University (NEHU), narrated the historical struggle for reservation. The Nairobi Conference in 1985 proposed 35 per cent reservation for women in all elections across the world. Scandinavian countries like Norway, Finland and Sweden have the maximum number of women representatives. "Two-thirds of the world's work force is women. They earn only 10 per cent of the world's income," he said. Indeed, the matrilineal system in Meghalaya does not ensure space for women in the political system.

Prof V Pakyntein of the department of anthropology, NEHU, said she was wary of the money and muscle power used by male candidates to win elections. "Hence, women must come out of the closet and fight elections," she said.

Come out of the closet. That is the key. Open the windows of emancipation. Seek power, forever denied. Seek equality and justice, forever shut out. Change the gender equations. Fly with the wings of aspirations. Make this world humane, better, worthwhile - for all. Eliminate poverty, exploitation and hunger. Said Mansi Sharma, "Women want to reserve their historic place in our fragmented, unequal democracy. They want to find their collective identity and power. This world must change. The Women's Reservation Bill must be passed. This is just another starting point."

With Pradeep Kapoor in Lucknow and Andrew Lyngdoh in Shillong

JULY 2010

Walk the Talk with SN Goenka

ttp://www.ndtv.com/news/videos/video_player.php?id=149260&from=homePageWatch
In this episode of Walk the Talk, Shekhar Gupta talks to Satya Narayan Goenka, Principal Teacher of Vipassana - a meditative technique of self-observation.

Frog Couple

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/07/3611

There are all kinds of rain-spells Indians are known to cast. From worshipping frogs, to marrying off donkeys, we have done it all

Shaweta Anand Delhi

The groom leaps towards the centre of the ground and stands there, smiling a toothless smile. The timid bride hops to a spot close to him and waits patiently for him to garland her first. She looks stunning in her red outfit while the groom looks handsome in his own way. Hundreds gather around them in a Maharashtra village to celebrate as this frog couple takes wedding vows.

This was an attempt to appease the raingods when the monsoon was delayed. Simultaneously, perhaps, another frog-wedding took place between in Assam this year: Baruna weds Bijuli. RSVP: Near and Dear.This year and last, myths and rituals to appease miscellaneous raingods have stalked the parched landscape. In Bangalore, a group of people gathered in a temple and married off two donkeys - Ganga and Varuna. Here, however, the bride was made to wear a green saree instead of a red one. There were invitation cards, a traditional band providing a musical background, sumptuous food, fresh flowers to shower on the newly-wed couple.

Animal wedding rituals aside, in Bihar's Banke Bazaar town and places like UP's Gorakhpur, a 'nudity spell' is cast sometimes to obliterate the rueful impact of a drought. Young women march naked while chanting ancient hymns after dusk, dragging ploughs in their fields to 'embarrass' the raingods into giving them abundant rainfall. Men are not allowed to watch as that may ruin the spell.

In another ritual, a young girl wearing a dress of knitted vines and branches dances through the village, stopping at every house till the host pours water over her, drenching her completely. The ritual probably symbolises the act of 'giving' water, hoping that the raingods would follow suit. Locals also sing and dance to the popular folksong sung for raingod Indra, Haali-huli barshun Inder devata, with full devotion to please the raingod Indra.

In Hindu mythology, there is mention of a fight between Indra and Vitra, a dragon - the god of drought. As legend has it, Vitra gulped water and sat on a mountain top, causing drought on earth. This angered Indra, who fought him with thunder and lightning, releasing abundant rain for cheering people down below. With 250 hymns dedicated to Indra in the Rigveda, it is no surprise that he is worshipped in many parts of north India to bring in the monsoons.

In the Hindi heartland, as in Kanpur, pandits do yagnas and pujas to please the raingods. In Banaras, people worship another raingod, Dalbhyeswara, and keep him well-dressed so that they would be blessed with good rains. In Muzaffarpur, Indra is worshipped and stories about him are read out. The poor are given alms in his name or a buffalo is set free, hoping something would click with the raingod.

In Mirzapur, river Karsa is believed to be infested by a demon called Jata Rohini. To appease him, he is offered fish caught by the priest. Locals believe it is only then that it would rain abundantly in Mirzapur. People also keep the linga of Mahadeva (Shiva) dipped in water to keep him cool so that he doesn't ruin the monsoon.

There are folk narratives about a severe drought in Sirsa, Haryana, a long time ago. The headman went to a faqir (dervish), prayed to him for rain, promising his daughter's hand in marriage to him. The rains did come but the headman broke his promise and the land got cursed with drought. However, repeated prayers melted the faqir's heart and he allowed sweet water to flow, but only if it was given free of cost to everyone. Local belief holds this to be true even today: if anyone levies a tax on rainwater here, the water goes salty, and the moment the tax is removed, it gets sweet again!

In Punjab, village girls pour water over an old woman, as she hands out cow dung dissolved in water. This is believed to bring the rains. Sometimes, the girls carry a pot full of filth and put it in front of a woman with a foul temper. If she gets into a rage and becomes abusive, it's time for a downpour! The underlying belief is that such a woman is a witch and if she is insulted, rains will pay a visit.

Droughts also make lucrative business and realpolitik. In Madhya Pradesh, som yagnas or fire rituals were performed by the state government to get rain during last year's drought. Chhattisgarh's agriculture minister too performed the varun yagna to please the skies during a dry spell. In Andhra Pradesh, all Hindus, Christians and Muslims were asked to perform special prayers for rains in temples last year. In Orissa too, expensive yagnas were performed to propitiate the gods. Fake priests too join the act. Even while it's all thirsty and parched, fat, well-fed Brahmins get inside huge tumblers of water, all decked up, and perform fraudulent rituals (see pix above).

Another kind of rain-spell is performed by the Bhils of central India. During drought, they go out together with bows and arrows and sacrifice a buffalo belonging to another village to goddess Kali, singing and dancing. If the buffalo-owner interferes, they abuse and threaten him into submission. That's how they negotiate for rain.

In Gujarat's Ahmedabad, the nagar seth (town's rich trader) walks through the city, pouring out milk to please Indra. There are folksong renditions dedicated to pleasing Indra. What is done in Chattarpur, Madhya Pradesh, is even more intriguing. Two paintings are made on the wall with cow dung, but upside down, to embarrass Indra and Megha into giving rain.

As if worshipping is not enough, two boys fight a 'good fight' with slings and stones to 'entertain the raingods' in Maharashtra's Ahmadnagar. If the fight is not good enough and is stopped abruptly, then the rains are said to bring in a plague of rats.

In some south Indian villages, beer gets mixed with the longing for water. Flowers of the sal tree are plucked, put in a basket and taken around to every house. The women pay respect to the priest by touching his feet. The priest showers them and the house with flowers. And then, first, the women pour water over him, and then give him a glass of beer to drink! Chilled or warm - that we don't know.

JULY 2010